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Headquarters Field Operations and Technical Cooperation Division FOTCD Contact in Geneva, Switzerland. Nonetheless, the extent of existing data which suggest that Merina are less sexually active than other groups in Madagascar is very hard to continue to ignore. These are of course reported sexual behaviors, and therefore potentially reflect Merina values rather than practices. Both the national HIV surveillance survey and the Demographic and Health Survey find lower prevalence rates of HIV among pregnant women and syphilis among women aged in Antananarivo as compared to other provinces.

Antananarivo is the most urbanized province; individuals have greater access to health centers in Antananarivo than elsewhere, and educational attainment levels are higher than any other province in the country. In the Demographic and Health Survey DHS , women years of age in the province of Antananarivo reported having obtained on average 7. Using data from the DHS survey, I examined reported median age of first sexual intercourse for women years of age by educational attainment in the province of Antananarivo as compared to Antsiranana.

Women with less than 7 years of education reported a median age at first sex of If one restricts analysis to those with 7 or more years of education, however, the gap narrows: The gap narrows, but does not close. Feeley-Harnik writes about the sexual practices of the Sakalava with whom she worked in coastal northwestern Madagascar.

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Traditionally, the man will place a small amount of money under the pillow to show respect to her for giving the power of her body as representation of fertility to him. Similarly, Mangalaza studying the Betsimisaraka along the east coast writes about how the money left by the man used to be a token gesture of respect and has grown to become more the primary focus in the sexual exchange.

Cole, who studied youth and sexuality in the eastern town of Tamatave, has also found that the financial transaction in sex has become more and more interesting for women. Cole differentiates further between the woman who uses transactional sex to get herself ahead, mainly through marrying up most desirably to a white man , and the woman who does not succeed and is resigned to prostitution and then poverty. The former is, she suggests, sometimes respected, while the latter is shamed Cole The studies that describe the transactional nature of traditional sexual relations in the north and east refute such notions, however, delineating between shameful prostitution and accepted — even respected — transactional sex.

Fieldwork currently underway for a project on sexual behavior among youth in Antananarivo and Antsiranana corroborates this finding. Women in the northern port town of Antsiranana described the goal of marrying a European man solely for his wealth without any shame whatsoever, but they derogatorily depicted women who have multiple sexual partners explicitly in order to access goods and money as prostitutes.

There are respectable and far less respectable ways in which to find a European husband; prostitution being the latter. This understanding of côtier sexuality contributes to the construction of the nightclub as an inappropriate space for good Merina woman to occupy, given associations made between the côtier and the nightclub. Nightclubs were locales that represented frivolity, misguided ambitions and interests, places where women who were overly materialistic and obsessed with fashion would spend their time.

Mostly, however, nightclubs were synonymous with sex, and community members in Antananarivo generally agreed that they were frequented by sex workers, tourists, and young maditra women, and that the majority of Malagasy women there were côtiers. In The Cabaret , there is an air of festivity.

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In the evening, there is loud, live music playing, there are always drinks being served and food is available. There are some nights when there were virtually only Malagasy women in The Cabaret. The women danced, often provocatively, or even vulgarly, but not in a formal performance, rather as if they always elected to dance like that to good music. Because this is primarily a bar and music venue, it would not necessarily be clear to an outsider that most of the Malagasy women in The Cabaret were there with the intention of having foreign men pay them for sex.

This was simply a club and functioned as such. There were about seven popular discotheques in Antananarivo in Other nightclubs allowed countless numbers of single Malagasy women to enter. Most of these women were ideally looking for a young man of European descent to take an interest in them, ideally as a potential spouse.

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  • “Côtier” sexual identity as constructed by the urban Merina of Antananarivo, Madagascar?

Women explained that they purposely did not outwardly flirt with a given man, but would rather subtly flirt and make the man believe that he had actively sought her out, so that he would be more willing to provide her with any financial support she would certainly mention to him she was in need of later. Yet, women were sometimes very forward with Vazaha men in discotheques and bars. There are a number of reasons as to why these spaces were marked as côtier spaces: many of which can be described through the specific habitus required of those who frequent nightclubs and how one might perform that habitus.

It should also be re-emphasized that these characteristics represent an ideal type, a set of stereotypical traits associated with the nightclub-going habitus. While lamaody means fashion, because club fashion was dictated largely by European and North American club-going trends, this meant very tight, revealing little outfits. Really revealing clothing is considered inappropriate for good Merina women.

This woman is reflecting on the fact that women who go with Vazaha — and are therefore likely côtiers  — dress highly inappropriately, in a way that pollutes Merina values. The hair extensions and the labor required to transform hair into hundreds of braids is expensive. Côtiers are expected to be more direct and aggressive speakers than Merina. The Merina are stereotypically indirect and reserved: they are vague and aloof. Côtiers are, conversely, stereotypically forward, direct, and aggressive; associations that were also made with sex workers more generally.

Traditional Merina dancing is very reserved, with very little movement in the hips or the buttocks. Dances from some other ethnic groups are less reserved; there is more movement through the body. Women who danced in nightclubs were generally dancing in a rather provocative way, which was not necessarily modelled solely on traditional dance from other parts of the island, but also inspired by foreign music videos increasingly broadcasted on televisions and projected on a large screen at The Cabaret. Such dancing was constructed as a non-Merina ability.

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For example, none of the three informant sex workers who frequented nightclubs had lived outside of Antananarivo for more than four years. Each had a Merina parent and each had a non-Merina parent. Of the 15 other women I spoke to informally on repeated occasions in these spaces, less than half had parents who were both from outside of Antananarivo and had grown up outside of Antananarivo.

The rest were either a mix or were Merina. Also significant is the spoken intention of those who do frequent these spaces, the interest in marrying a foreign man. Good Merina women would not be expected to want to enter such spaces frequented by Vazaha men, who are often there with the explicit intention of meeting a Malagasy woman. They would be shamed and shunned for explicitly going to a nightclub to find a white man. But the women who conduct sex work in these spaces make the most money and stand to gain the most from a long-term partnership with a relatively wealthy tourist.

Unlike self-identified fotsy Merina women in Antananarivo, imagined côtier women do not stand to lose as much symbolic capital within the larger community by going into nightclubs and meeting Vazaha men, as they are expected to do so. Ultimately, pursuing Vazaha men does not further denigrate côtier women, while it would Merina women.

Property and home ownership are forms of real wealth that Denise and her brothers and sisters now still have claim to.

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Another informant illustrated how far one can fall. While in her youth, she had spent her time in nightclubs entertaining Vazaha; ten years later, at the time of fieldwork, she was squatting in a one room house of loosely bound wooden planks with her three children. The women themselves, however, did not necessarily understand it that way.

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Informant Simone is an interesting example of this. She danced provocatively in bars: she could, for example, balance a bottle of beer on her head while moving her ass and her hips in extremely fast circular and vibrating motions. She was interested in having and wearing lamaody fashionable, trendy clothing whether during the day or at night.

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