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enthält Mitte etwa Zeitschriften- und Buchaufsätze haben einen. With the arrival of many MPAs across the island, the rights and access of local fishers to the marine environment have dramatically decreased, and local environmental knowledge is often overlooked see Baker-Médard Starting long before the rise of governmental and non-governmental organization sponsorship of marine conservation, Malagasy fisheries have practiced a form of marine conservation rooted in local cultural value systems and traditional practices. One prevalent theme in coastal community folklore tapashiry is the ills of being a greedy and selfish fisher, and the blessings of being a moderate and generous fisher.

Through tapashiry , young people learned, and are still learning although fewer follow about the principle of taking only what you need, respecting the ocean and the resources it provides, and respecting local taboos that are often clarified and upheld by the elders of a community. Fishers use the word mahazatra to describe their relationship to a given spot in the ocean. However, when asked about what makes someone zatra adjective form of mahazatra to a specific place, fishers did not answer in terms of simple frequency of visitation.

Instead, they highlighted the agency of nature, describing instead a reciprocal socio-natural intimacy Peluso ; Arias-Maldonado Fishers said that the octopus or fish reveal themselves in the places where a fisher is zatra. They would emphasize how catch is less contingent on the skill or gear of a fisher than on the relationship a fisher has to a particular place. Fishers assert that a place will provide for a fisher if the individual knows how to interact with the place, and respects the place; for example, not just where and when to fish, but also how to walk if fishing on foot , where to be quiet, where it is OK to be loud, what gear a section of the reef responds best to, etc.

The preference of a given place is not simply up to the fisher, but instead, they assert that it is contingent on how the ocean feels towards a particular fisher.

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Although these relationships are highly individual, they tend to be shared across family lineage. This is especially true for women fishers who tend to go out fishing on foot in groups see Figure 3. Younger women follow their mothers, aunts, and older sisters out on the reef to areas where their family members are mahazatra. Women from a coastal village in southwestern Madagascar who go out and fish together. There are multiple generations within a family line in this photo, plus another woman who has married into the family. Photo by Merrill Baker-Médard. Mahazatra helps signify a form of customary property rights.

The language fishers use signals a mutual recognition of informal boundaries around customary fishing areas. While there are no formal claims to areas where one is zatra , fishers know the areas where other fishers and often family lineages have these intimate relations. Unfortunately, an understanding of mahazatra and the kinds of reciprocal socio-natural relations that exist within the fishing community is largely absent from MPA management systems in Madagascar.

Recognizing “reciprocal relations” to restore community access to land and water

The nuance of these customary socio-natures has not been considered in delineating protected area boundaries. This lack of recognition has the capacity to perpetuate inequality within the community. Some groups within the community, especially women fishers, do not have a seat at the decision-making table.

Decision-makers in marine resource management are disproportionately male, wealthier, politically stronger, and more formally educated than the larger fishing population Baker-Médard In addition, most MPA managers are not coming from within fishing communities. Often, they are not aware of, or in some cases look down on, traditional knowledge and Malagasy fishing taboos that have previously formed the basis for local fisheries management and customary marine property.

By overlooking local practices of mahazatra , conservation organizations working to establish MPAs may unwittingly erase a nuanced form of customary property. Based on preliminary studies, the families most likely to be negatively impacted by the spatial enclosures are already marginalized in the decision-making process based on education level, gender and socio-economic status.

If studies of marine reciprocal relations were a prerequisite to the decision-making process for siting marine reserves, some form of compensation to the individuals or families most heavily impacted could be implemented, or perhaps policy makers could work with local community members to devise a new marine conservation strategy altogether.

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In this case, mahazatra illustrates a strong form of socionatural intimacy between Malagasy fishers and coastal fishing places. A lack of recognition for existing reciprocal relations has led to a decrease in access to marine resources for some; however, individual fishers and families continue to practice and teach reciprocal relations through informal, and sometimes illicit behaviors. In the Appalachian mountain region of the United States U. The Appalachian region is one of three remaining major coal-producing regions in the U.

Energy Information Administration In many watersheds, coal mining began prior to the enactment of federal environmental regulations, including the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act SMCRA of Thousands of miles of streams in Appalachia have been impacted by acid mine drainage from abandoned mine lands U. Department of the Interior Even as coal miners have suffered from black lung disease, injuries, and other debilitating health issues, large economic and political forces push for continued fossil fuel extraction in Appalachia, while lessening regulations.

Community watershed organizations across Appalachia engage in de facto or informal commons governance by voluntarily taking action to improve the water quality of streams in highly degraded watersheds see Lukacs and Ardoin ; Lukacs Despite funding challenges, these watershed groups have contributed to the reappearance of species like river otters and trout in streams that had been unable to support aquatic life only decades earlier Lukacs and Ortolano While the prior case studies focus on relatively intact ecosystems, coal mining and natural gas extraction have indelibly impacted the landscape, economy, and economic identity of some Appalachian communities Bell and York Still, Appalachian people survive in part through their strong connections to and reliance on the land.


Early settlements — were relatively self-sufficient, relying on local subsistence-barter-and-borrow systems. Later, families supplemented the low wages from labor-intensive coal mining with harvests from household gardens and the woods Salstrom The relationships between Appalachian watershed group members and the watersheds they care for illustrate the many forms of reciprocal relations between people and place.

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